{"id":53284,"date":"2023-03-24T13:03:19","date_gmt":"2023-03-24T05:03:19","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/chinamediaproject.org\/?p=53284"},"modified":"2023-03-24T14:09:17","modified_gmt":"2023-03-24T06:09:17","slug":"on-national-humiliation-dont-mention-the-russians","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/chinamediaproject.org\/2023\/03\/24\/on-national-humiliation-dont-mention-the-russians\/","title":{"rendered":"On National Humiliation, Don’t Mention the Russians"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

<\/h1>\n\n\n\n

The enduring zeitgeist of Chinese \u201cwolf warrior diplomacy\u201d<\/a> has created an atmosphere wherein nationalistic outbursts and calls for retribution are not only welcome but rewarded. But as Shanghai TV personality Zhou Libo recently discovered, not all calls to relive national glory are welcome.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On the eve of President Xi Jinping\u2019s first state visit to Moscow since Russia\u2019s invasion of Ukraine, the stand-up comedian and China\u2019s Got Talent<\/em> judge was banned<\/a> from social media platforms Weibo and Toutiao for suggesting in a post that Xi\u2019s \u201cGreat Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation\u201d<\/a> should include recovering land ceded to Russia in the 19th century. While calls to \u201ctake back\u201d other lost Qing possessions like Taiwan are staples of Chinese nationalism, Zhou\u2019s case shows that such revanchist rhetoric gets a frosty reception on the country\u2019s Siberian frontier.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/div>
Zhou Libo’s post lambasting Putin’s Chinese sycophants and demanding the return of territories lost to Russia.<\/figcaption><\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Despite the trembling<\/a> induced in some Western observers by the sight of Xi and Russian President Vladimir Putin gliding toward one another in the Kremlin’s gilded halls, censors have had their work cut out for them keeping the bad blood between these two on-again, off-again rivals from bubbling to the surface.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A Most Unequal Treaty<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

In what has become known as the Amur Annexation, the Qing court ceded<\/a> over one million square kilometers of land along its northeast frontier to Tsarist Russia between 1858 and 1860. Foisted upon a desperate dynasty as it was ripped asunder by the Taiping Civil War and assailed by Britain and France in the Second Opium War, the 1858 Treaty of Aigun and the 1860 Convention of Peking were two of the most egregious of the infamous \u201cunequal treaties\u201d that Beijing was compelled to sign with belligerent foreign powers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Qing territorial losses in these treaties were 12,700 times that of the original unequal treaty ceding Hong Kong Island to Great Britain in 1842. At a time when wars were decided by sea power, it also completely sealed off China from the strategic Sea of Japan. On the ground, the integration of these newly Russian territories was a chaotic and often bloody process: As many as 5,000 Qing subjects were killed in the 1900 Blagoveshchensk Massacre when local Russian authorities, fearing a spread of the anti-foreign Boxer Uprising, forced them to cross the border at the Amur River, with most drowning in the attempt or being cut down as they tried to flee. Later under Stalin, thousands of ethnic Chinese living in the Russian Far East were forcibly deported, in many cases to forced labor camps in the Arctic.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/div>
A September, 1930 edition of the Kuomintang-published Huabei Ribao<\/em> rails against the Russian authorities’ physical violence and property theft against ethnic Chinese forcibly removed from territories lost in 1858-60.<\/figcaption><\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

These incidents are not entirely forgotten but rank low on the Western- and Japanese-dominated pantheon of national humiliations used to boost patriotism and bolster regime legitimacy<\/a>. Whereas the retrocession of British Hong Kong and the taking of Taiwan \u2014 two much smaller possessions ceded in Qing-era unequal treaties \u2014 are considered sacrosanct milestones for the \u201cGreat Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation,\u201d the area known now as Outer Manchuria is politely overlooked.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One consideration may be how the Amur Annexation undermines a key pillar of nationalist storytelling: Far from immutable entities with borders unaltered “since ancient times”<\/a> (\u81ea\u53e4\u4ee5\u6765), the Qing and Tsarist domains were contemporaneous, competing imperial projects that experienced rapid expansion in the modern era.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Long before Royal Navy gunboats steamed up the Pearl River Delta, Qing officials signed the Treaty of Nerchinsk in 1689, fixing the inter-imperial border with the Tsardom as its eastward drive march across Siberia ran up against the nascent Chinese dynasty\u2019s own push northward through the ancestral Jurchen homelands previously considered beyond the pale. The first treaty signed by the Qing with a Western nation, Nerchinsk was also regarded as an unequal one signed under military duress\u2014 but only by Russian accounts, in a dynamic that would later be reversed as the Qing declined and Russia shored up its position in the far east.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Taming Nationalist Discourse<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

It is hard to tell which drew censors\u2019 ire more: Zhou\u2019s invocation to reclaim Outer Manchuria or his criticism of Chinese who fawn over \u201cEmperor Putin\u201d and refer to Russians by the cringey moniker<\/a> \u201cthe martial race\u201d (\u6218\u6597\u6c11\u65cf). \u201cWhy are there always some Chinese who inexplicably send such kind words to Russia?” the post asked. “Do you still see Russia as your father? Friendship is fine, but flattery is not.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Zhou\u2019s social media ban also came amid a renewed campaign by internet censors to \u201cstrike hard\u201d against bloggers and live-streamers who post unauthorized content. On March 12, China\u2019s Cyberspace Administration pledged<\/a> to crack down on \u201crumormongering\u201d by citizen journalists and to \u201cwin the online ideological struggle and maintain national security and political security.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/div>
A March 12 notice on the Cyberspace Administration of China website pledges to “severely punish” self-published media.<\/figcaption><\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

This episode is far from the first time that boisterous patriots have found themselves in the crosshairs after overstepping the mark. Anti-Japanese demonstrations that erupted in response to Japan\u2019s nationalization of the disputed Diaoyu\/Senkaku Islands in 2012 were eventually suppressed<\/a> by riot police when property damage escalated and protesters began targeting the central government itself for not taking a sufficiently hard line against Tokyo. In 2021, a viral video<\/a> calling for China to drop atomic bombs on Japan, should it come to Taiwan’s aid, was also removed from social media platforms \u2014 though only after it was shared by Chinese officials and amassed millions of views.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The window of acceptable discourse takes on very different dimensions depending on whether one is looking out over the East China Sea or the Siberian taiga. In the case of the former, talk of restoring imperial borders is familiar to the point that it has become mere background noise; the latter, however, provides a sobering vision of what happens when such \u201chistorical claims\u201d are applied evenly and taken to their logical, bloody conclusions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Reflecting and Projecting<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Beijing\u2019s increasingly asymmetric partnership with Moscow has rekindled speculation on whether China will push for the return of the vast tracts of land lost in the Amur Annexation. The punishment meted out to Zhou Libo for calling for just this is an indication of how unlikely such demands are to receive official backing, but the incident as a whole plays out like a satire of revanchism, exposing the fantasy of returning to a glorious past when what is and is not China\u2019s was determined once and forevermore.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

While history is often seen as what Song Dynasty scholar Sima Guang (\u53f8\u9a6c\u5149) termed a \u201ccomprehensive mirror\u201d to better perceive the present, the unequal treatment allotted to the unequal treaties shows that the way we look back at the past is just as much a reflection of present exigencies. Sino-Russian partnership might have “no limits” according to the statement<\/a> signed by Xi and Putin at their last t\u00eate-\u00e0-t\u00eate just days before the Ukraine invasion, but it does have a shelf life.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

In an era of revanchist territorial claims and chest-thumping nationalist rhetoric, one topic remains revealingly taboo: taking back what Russia took from China.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":24,"featured_media":53289,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[81,80,79],"class_list":["post-53284","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-headlines-and-hashtags","tag-history","tag-national-humiliation","tag-russia"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nOn National Humiliation, Don't Mention the Russians - China Media Project<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/chinamediaproject.org\/2023\/03\/24\/on-national-humiliation-dont-mention-the-russians\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" 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