{"id":48672,"date":"2021-08-27T20:14:48","date_gmt":"2021-08-27T18:14:48","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/chinamediaproject.org\/?p=48672"},"modified":"2021-08-27T22:03:10","modified_gmt":"2021-08-27T20:03:10","slug":"a-history-of-common-prosperity","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/chinamediaproject.org\/2021\/08\/27\/a-history-of-common-prosperity\/","title":{"rendered":"A History of Common Prosperity"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Talk of wealth redistribution is in the air in China. And two words, \u201ccommon prosperity,\u201d uttered by Xi Jinping earlier this month at a meeting<\/a> of the senior commission responsible for economic coordination, have condensed hopes and fears over the changes to come.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The phrase \u201ccommon prosperity,\u201d or gongtong fuyu<\/em> (\u5171\u540c\u5bcc\u88d5), was given prominence in the media coverage that attended the August 17 meeting of the Central Committee for Financial and Economic Affairs ( \u4e2d\u592e\u8d22\u7ecf\u59d4\u5458\u4f1a). Both the headline of the official Xinhua release coming out of the meeting and the lower-third text during the evening broadcast of CCTV\u2019s Xinwen Lianbo (\u65b0\u95fb\u8054\u64ad) included the newly significant words, imbedded in the longer phrase \u201cpromoting common prosperity<\/strong> in high-level development\u201d (\u5728\u9ad8\u8d28\u91cf\u53d1\u5c55\u4e2d\u4fc3\u8fdb\u5171\u540c\u5bcc\u88d5).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/div><\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

As Bloomberg noted<\/a> in a recent report on \u201ccommon prosperity,\u201d however, Xi Jinping\u2019s use of the phrase has soared this year, well before the August meeting, reflecting his stated commitment to addressing income disparity in China, which has come with efforts to restrain \u201cunreasonable income<\/a>\u201d and to encourage the super-rich to give back to society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bloomberg\u2019s conclusions on the basis of Xi\u2019s speeches are borne out again when we look at use of \u201ccommon prosperity\u201d in the CCP\u2019s official People\u2019s Daily<\/em> newspaper. The graph below shows the number of articles in the newspaper since January 2020 that use the term \u201ccommon prosperity\u201d in the headline.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/div>
SOURCE: People\u2019s Daily Database.<\/figcaption><\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

But the phrase \u201ccommon prosperity\u201d is much older than the recent wave of attention might seem to indicate. So where does the phrase \u201ccommon prosperity\u201d originate within the history of CCP discourse, and what can this history tell us about the present struggle to define the direction of China\u2019s development?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Collective Resources for Common Prosperity<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The phrase \u201ccommon prosperity\u201d first appeared in the People\u2019s Daily<\/em> on September 25, 1953, as the paper published a list of 65 approved slogans for the commemoration of the fourth anniversary of the founding of the PRC. Slogan number 38 was less a slogan, in fact, than a lengthy spill of exclamations:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Male and female peasants! [We must] work to increase production and save! [We must] work for the fall harvest, reducing losses and doing everything possible to enlarge the harvest!  [We must] work at autumn planting, preparing for winter-time production, striving for a rich harvest next year! [We must] work on water conservation, on plowing and sowing deeply, on improving seeds, increasing fertilizer accumulation, and reasonable fertilizer application to increase yield per unit area! . . . . Men and women of the agricultural production mutual support teams! Men and women of the agricultural production cooperatives!<\/em><\/p>

United together, [we must] bring into play the spirit of collectivism, improving productivity, increasing production of grain and other crops, increasing income, striving for lives of common prosperity<\/strong>, according to the principles of willingness and mutual benefit . . . .<\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/div>
The first use of \u201ccommon prosperity\u201d in the People\u2019s Daily<\/em> appears in September 1953 in a list of slogans for the PRC\u2019s fourth anniversary.<\/figcaption><\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

The first article using \u201ccommon prosperity\u201d in a headline in the People\u2019s Daily<\/em> was published on December 12, 1953, part of a series in the paper called \u201cPromoting the General Line to the Peasants\u201d (\u5411\u519c\u6c11\u5ba3\u4f20\u603b\u8def\u7ebf). The choice before the people was simple, it argued. There were just two possible paths forward. One was capitalism, described as \u201ca road of a few getting rich, while the vast majority are poor and destitute\u201d (\u8d44\u672c\u4e3b\u4e49\u7684\u8def\u662f\u5c11\u6570\u4eba\u53d1\u8d22\u3001\u7edd\u5927\u591a\u6570\u8d2b\u7a77\u7834\u4ea7\u7684\u8def). The other was of course socialism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The article, \u201cThe Path of Socialism is the Path to Common Prosperity\u201d (\u793e\u4f1a\u4e3b\u4e49\u7684\u8def\u662f\u519c\u6c11\u5171\u540c\u5bcc\u88d5\u7684\u8def), made clear that \u201ccommon prosperity\u201d could only happen through collective ownership, meaning that the resources of production \u2013 including land, large farm equipment, major livestock and so on \u2013 were held in common. By the end of 1952, land reforms in the young People\u2019s Republic of China had nearly been completed<\/a>, and preparations were being made in the leadership for the nation\u2019s first Five-Year Plan, modeled on the planned economy of the Soviet Union<\/a> under Stalin.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

While the main focus on the First Five-Year Plan was to be on industrialization, the CCP also sought to transform the agricultural sector. Collectivization<\/a> was the order of the future, beginning with the reorganizing of Chinese society into mutual help teams. \u201cWhen the means of production are publicly owned, there will be no more exploitation of people by people,\u201d said the People\u2019s Daily<\/em> article. Common prosperity, therefore, meant that resources were held in common.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Therefore, the development of mutual aid teams and cooperatives can not only avoid division among the peasants and avoid the path of capitalism, but can also enable peasants to achieve common prosperity<\/strong> step by step and finally reach a socialist society.<\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/div>
A poster from 1954 reads: \u201cJoining the Mutual Aid Team Means Walking the Road to Common Prosperity.\u201d Image from Chineseposters.net<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

On December 16, 1953, four days after the above-mentioned article, the CCP released<\/a> its \u201cResolution on the Development of Agricultural Production Cooperatives\u201d (\u5173\u4e8e\u53d1\u5c55\u519c\u4e1a\u751f\u4ea7\u5408\u4f5c\u793e\u7684\u51b3\u8bae), which is often cited as the origin<\/a> of the term \u201ccommon prosperity\u201d in its earliest, Maoist, understanding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Overcoming Egalitarianism<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 1950s dismissal of capitalism as \u201ca road of a few getting rich\u201d when it came to the question of \u201ccommon prosperity\u201d was turned on its head in the late 1970s, as Deng Xiaoping came to power and pursued a new economic development strategy, \u201creform and opening,\u201d or gaige kaifang<\/em> (\u6539\u9769\u5f00\u653e). The changes that came in the wake of the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee in December 1978 brought about a radical rethinking of the notion of \u201ccommon prosperity\u201d that in fact encouraged \u201ca road of a few getting rich\u201d as a means of enriching all.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The theoretical basis<\/a> of Deng Xiaoping’s approach to regional economic development was that “common prosperity” could be reached by allowing certain regions and groups of people to get rich first. This idea was summed up best in the phrase<\/a> \u201cpermitting a few peasants to get rich first\u201d (\u5141\u8bb8\u4e00\u90e8\u5206\u519c\u6c11\u5148\u5bcc\u8d77\u6765), which allowed more industrious<\/a> and better-connected households to accrue wealth rapidly. Various permutations of this phrase can be found in the official press from around 1979, referring first to \u201cpeasants\u201d (\u519c\u6c11) and to \u201ccommune members\u201d (\u793e\u5458).  The phrase became popularized internationally in reference to \u201cpeople\u201d only after Deng told visiting New Zealand Prime Minister David Lange in March 1986<\/a>: \u201cOur policy is to let some people and some regions get rich first, in order to drive and help the backward regions, and it is an obligation for the advanced regions to help the backward regions.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The link between \u201cget rich first\u201d and \u201ccommon prosperity\u201d was there from the very beginning of the debate over the substance of reform and opening in the late 1970s.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The first mention of the \u201cget rich first\u201d concept in the People\u2019s Daily<\/em> came on February 19, 1979, in an article to the right of the masthead that reported the remarks of the top leader in Gansu province, following the \u201cgood policies\u201d of the central leadership. The leader was reported as having told a group of commune members shortly after the Spring Festival that certain highly productive members  \u201ccan get rich first, taking first steps forward in agricultural modernization\u201d (\u53ef\u4ee5\u5148\u5bcc\u8d77\u6765\uff0c\u5728\u519c\u4e1a\u73b0\u4ee3\u5316\u4e0a\u5148\u8d70\u4e00\u6b65).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/div>
An article on page one of the People\u2019s Daily<\/em> on February 19, 1979, right of the masthead, discusses the policy of letting some peasants \u201cget rich first.\u201d<\/figcaption><\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

The change in policy was reportedly welcomed by some. \u201cThis idea was accepted by more and more teams and became the guiding idea for some team cadres and masses as they made plans and introduced measures to increase productivity in the spring production,\u201d the article said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But the more controversial aspects were plainly visible in a second article appearing on page two of the same edition of the paper. The article, bearing the headline, \u201cA Portion of Peasants Getting Rich First Should Be Encouraged\u201d (\u4e00\u90e8\u5206\u519c\u6c11\u5148\u5bcc\u8d77\u6765\u5e94\u53d7\u5230\u9f13\u52b1), sought to argue through the restrictions that had been placed on production in the name of socialism, and to dispel fears that changes in the system of wealth distribution meant a return to capitalism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

After a political potshot against Lin Biao (\u6797\u5f6a) and the then much-derided \u201cGang of Four\u201d (\u56db\u4eba\u5e2e), the article rejected outright the previous notion of \u201ccommon prosperity\u201d as spelled out and practiced in the Mao era. \u201cWhat was originally intended to guide commune members down a road to ‘common prosperity<\/strong>,’ in the end made a rich team poor, and then poorer and poorer,\u201d it said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/div>
An article on page two of the People\u2019s Daily<\/em> on February 19, 1979, at far left, says some peasants should be encouraged to \u201cget rich first,\u201d and rejects the previously defined path to \u201ccommon prosperity.\u201d  <\/figcaption><\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Far from marking a return to capitalism, empowering the individual forces of production could lead, the article said, to greater wealth for all. The alternative was an empty political devotion to principles of collectivism that dragged everyone down (to paraphrase).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

We engage in socialism, not to limit or refuse to meet the needs of individuals, but to constantly improve and enhance the needs of the material and cultural life of the working people. That practice of talking only emptily about politics and shutting up about the material interests of the people is in no way a principle of socialism.<\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

The article suggested that one of the chief problems limiting progress toward prosperity was the failure to recognize that there were in fact gaps in income distribution among peasants in the socialist era. The \u201cGang of Four\u201d had \u201cused restrictions to keep rich teams down, so that they could not step forward,” thereby depriving socialism of its vitality. Restrictions had been carried out in the name of egalitarianism (\u5e73\u5747\u4e3b\u4e49), which was now, clearly, to be a dirty word:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

First of all, [we must] acknowledge [income] gaps, oppose egalitarianism<\/strong>, and allow and encourage the allocation of more to members of advanced teams with higher collective income, allowing them to live better, and to take the lead for poorer teams, serving as models and allowing poorer teams to be encouraged and see hope.<\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Once the \u201cGang of Four\u201d had been smashed, said the article, communes had begun to “correct the egalitarianism of equality between those who work more and those who work less” (\u7ea0\u6b63\u5e72\u591a\u5e72\u5c11\u4e00\u4e2a\u6837\u7684\u5e73\u5747\u4e3b\u4e49).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Such opposition to egalitarianism, while upholding the wealth-generating vitality of the individual, was part and parcel of the effort in the early reform period to reframe Chinese socialism and set the country on a new path of development that could lead to a \u201ccommon prosperity\u201d re-defined. All of these concepts could be seen readily in an article appearing on April 15, 1979, in the People\u2019s Daily<\/em>, bearing the headline: \u201cA Few Getting Rich First and Common Prosperity\u201d (\u4e00\u90e8\u5206\u5148\u5bcc\u88d5\u548c\u5171\u540c\u5bcc\u88d5). The article laid out the CCP\u2019s new approach to \u201ccommon prosperity\u201d in clear terms:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Our Party\u2019s leading of the peasants along the path of socialism is about \u2018making all rural people achieve common prosperity<\/strong>.\u2019 Allowing some peasants to get rich first<\/strong> is a practical policy to achieve common prosperity<\/strong>.<\/em><\/p>

\u6211\u4eec\u515a\u9886\u5bfc\u519c\u6c11\u8d70\u793e\u4f1a\u4e3b\u4e49\u9053\u8def\uff0c\u5c31\u662f\u2018\u8981\u4f7f\u5168\u4f53\u519c\u6751\u4eba\u6c11\u5171\u540c\u5bcc\u88d5\u8d77\u6765\u2019\u3002\u5141\u8bb8\u4e00\u90e8\u5206\u519c\u6c11\u5148\u5bcc\u8d77\u6765\uff0c\u6b63\u662f\u4e3a\u4e86\u8fbe\u5230\u5171\u540c\u5bcc\u88d5\u7684\u4e00\u9879\u5207\u5408\u5b9e\u9645\u7684\u653f\u7b56\u3002<\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

The previous notion of \u201ccommon prosperity,\u201d panned as a legacy of the period when \u201cLin Biao and the ‘Gang of Four’ ran amok,\u201d was a stultifying egalitarianism. \u201c[If] we practice egalitarianism, artificially limiting wealth in order to safeguard the poor, taking from the wealthy to make amends for the poor, ‘eating from a big pot of rice,’\u201d the article said, \u201cthen the hope of reaching common prosperity<\/strong> under socialism can only be a flower in the mirror, or a pie in a picture.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A People\u2019s Daily<\/em> article in December 1979 (\u5171\u540c\u5bcc\u88d5\u4e0d\u662f\u5e73\u5747\u5bcc\u88d5) was even more explicit in its drawing of lines: \u201cSocialism is not egalitarianism, and common prosperity does not mean equal wealth,\u201d it said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Re-redefining \u201cCommon Prosperity\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Understand the above history, and Deng-era criticisms of \u201cpie in a picture\u201d notions of egalitarianism, and you can begin to understand the anxieties arising in China today around the re-surfacing of the notion of \u201ccommon prosperity\u201d over the past year. Deng Xiaoping enabled and empowered new forces of practicality and productivity that led China into an era of unprecedented growth, creating substantial wealth through much of Chinese society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

So Xi\u2019s recent emphasis on wealth redistribution, and his re-opening of the question \u2013 visible throughout the Party-state media \u2013 of how to promote \u201ccommon prosperity,\u201d naturally begs the question of whether, and to what extent, he plans to unravel the support for private enterprise that has marked the reform era.  Is he a \u201cpie in a picture\u201d idealist, determined, as some investors fear, to drag a vibrant private sector into an ideological campaign for social values<\/a> over commercial ones? Is he promoting a new egalitarianism?  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/div>
A Xinhua News Agency special<\/a> on August 21 bears the headline: \u201cHow to Promote Common Prosperity? Here Are the Deployments the General Secretary is Making.\u201d  <\/figcaption><\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

\u201cChinese experts have increasingly expounded upon the idea of common prosperity in the media, while Chinese firms scramble to join in the ideological edification,\u201d analyst Sara Hsu wrote recently<\/a> in The Diplomat<\/em>. \u201cWhether China\u2019s flourishing private sector can continue to grow under such a heavy hand has yet to be seen.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nikkei Asia<\/em> wrote on August 18, in an article headlined, \u201cXi Moving Away From \u2018Get Rich First<\/a>,\u2019\u201d that \u201cPresident Xi Jinping has called for stronger \u2018regulation of high incomes\u2019 in the latest sign that a 10-month campaign targeting China’s largest technology companies is rapidly expanding to encompass broader social goals.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It was concerns like the above, responding to the historical baggage of \u201ccommon prosperity,\u201d that prompted Han Wenxiu<\/a> (\u97e9\u6587\u79c0), executive deputy director of the General Office of the Central Financial and Economic Affairs Commission, to speak to the issue at a briefing in Beijing<\/a> earlier this week held by the Central Propaganda Department to promote a published volume called The Historical Mission, Action and Values of the Chinese Communist Party<\/em> (\u4e2d\u56fd\u5171\u4ea7\u515a\u7684\u5386\u53f2\u4f7f\u547d\u4e0e\u884c\u52a8\u4ef7\u503c). At the briefing, Han sought to allay fears<\/a> that efforts to tackle inequality might stifle the economy and discourage entrepreneurialism and investment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

“Common prosperity<\/strong> means doing a proper job both of expanding the pie and dividing the pie, on the foundation of the comprehensive building of a moderately prosperous society, energetically promoting high-quality development,\u201d Han said. Invoking Deng\u2019s language about letting a few \u201cget rich first,\u201d he emphasized: \u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[We] must encourage hard work to get rich, entrepreneurship and innovation to get rich, and permit some people to get rich first, and after getting rich helping others to grow richer. [We] will not ‘kill the rich to help the poor.\u2019<\/em><\/p>

\u8981\u9f13\u52b1\u52e4\u52b3\u81f4\u5bcc\u3001\u521b\u4e1a\u521b\u65b0\u81f4\u5bcc\uff0c\u5141\u8bb8\u4e00\u90e8\u5206\u4eba\u5148\u5bcc\u8d77\u6765\uff0c\u5148\u5bcc\u5e26\u540e\u5bcc\u3001\u5e2e\u540e\u5bcc\uff0c\u4e0d\u641e \u2018\u6740\u5bcc\u6d4e\u8d2b.\u2019<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Echoing the language from the late 1970s that rejected egalitarianism as a value inhibiting development, Han described Xi\u2019s concept of \u201ccommon prosperity\u201d as “not a pure and simple egalitarianism, but a common prosperity in which there is still some disparity.” This in turn was echoed by Xinhua News Agency in an English-language release<\/a> yesterday in which it stressed that \u201ccommon prosperity is not egalitarianism.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Casting about for a scapegoat for what was clearly also a serious internal messaging problem, coming in conjunction with its recent string of sweeping purges of large private enterprises in China, the Xinhua release pointed a finger at reports outside of China, stressing that common prosperity was \u201cby no means robbing the rich to help the poor as misinterpreted by some Western media.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But what \u201ccommon prosperity\u201d really means for Xi Jinping and the current leadership of the CCP is a question that will have to remain open for now. There can be little doubt that the changes suggested by the leadership would require, at the very least, as Professor Pan Helin<\/a> (\u76d8\u548c\u6797), argues in today’s China Youth Daily<\/em><\/a>, require “a change in people’s ideas of self-interest.” And in the absence of a vibrant civic space, such changes to the ideas that underpin society are a difficult, and potentially intrusive, proposition. As with the development of this phrase in the past, the meaning of “common prosperity” will become clearer in future rhetoric as well as in future practice.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Talk of wealth redistribution is in the air in China. And two words, \u201ccommon prosperity,\u201d have condensed hopes and fears over the changes to come. Where does the phrase \u201ccommon prosperity\u201d originate within the history of CCP discourse, and what can this history tell us about the present struggle to define the direction of China\u2019s development?<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":5,"featured_media":48689,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[6],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-48672","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-china-newspeak"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nA History of Common Prosperity - China Media Project<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/chinamediaproject.org\/2021\/08\/27\/a-history-of-common-prosperity\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"A History of Common Prosperity - China Media Project\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Talk of wealth redistribution is in the air in China. 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