{"id":46308,"date":"2020-09-10T15:42:54","date_gmt":"2020-09-10T07:42:54","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/chinamediaproject.org\/?p=46308"},"modified":"2021-05-08T00:15:53","modified_gmt":"2021-05-07T22:15:53","slug":"chinas-story-comes-to-brussels","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/chinamediaproject.org\/2020\/09\/10\/chinas-story-comes-to-brussels\/","title":{"rendered":"China\u2019s Story Comes to Brussels"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Politico reported\nthis week<\/a> that China Media Group (CMG), the state media super-conglomerate created in\nMarch 2018<\/a> through the merger of three major media groups, including China\nCentral Television, China National Radio and China Radio International, is now\nplanning to open a European office in Brussels. CMG, which is also\nknown as \u201cVoice of China\u201d (\u4e2d\u56fd\u4e4b\u58f0), has been portrayed\nby state media<\/a> sources as a key step in \u201cadvancing [China\u2019s] international\ntransmission capacity and telling China\u2019s story well,\u201d both demands that Xi Jinping\nmade in his political\nreport<\/a> to the 19th<\/sup> National Congress of the CCP in October 2017.\n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The establishment of the Brussels office almost certainly signals China\u2019s\nintention to bolster its media presence and deployment of CCP narratives in Europe,\nand perhaps to seek partnerships that can help to advance coverage in the\nregion that is favorable to China\u2019s interests. The move comes as the CGTN, part\nof the group, faces possible sanctions in the UK over its broadcasting\nin 2013<\/a> of a forced confession by British national Peter\nHumphrey<\/a>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/div>
A chart from the WeChat public account of the official People\u2019s Daily<\/em> explains the merger of major state media entities into China Media Group in 2018. <\/figcaption><\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

So it seems that\nthe \u201cChina story\u201d could soon be broadcast loudly from the CMG headquarters in\nBrussels. What does it mean to \u201ctell China\u2019s story\u201d? <\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the clearest definitions of Xi\u2019s phrase, which is not about Chinese voices but rather about national discourse power, came in an article written for the People\u2019s Daily<\/em><\/a> by Xu Shana (\u5f90\u59d7\u5a1c), head of the Fujian provincial section of the All-China Women’s Federation. In her article, “Strengthening Agenda Setting, Telling the China Story Well”  (\u52a0\u5f3a\u8bae\u9898\u8bbe\u7f6e \u8bb2\u597d\u4e2d\u56fd\u6545\u4e8b), Xu breaks \u201cChina\u2019s story\u201d down into four aspects. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Party<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

First, and this\nshould not surprise, comes the Chinese Communist Party.  Xu begins by explaining that “the core of\ntelling ‘China’s story’ is the ‘story of the Chinese Communist Party, and the\ncrux of telling the story of the Chinese Communist Party well is properly\nexplaining why the CCP ‘can’.” The point here is that the CCP must be portrayed\nas pre-eminently competent. This fits with the foreign and domestic propaganda\nwe have seen from China this year, emphasizing the CCP\u2019s leadership of the\neffort against COVID-19, and even the superiority of China\u2019s political system\nin grappling with the crisis. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Xu writes: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

We must\nscientifically set up issues around why the Chinese Communist Party ‘can,’ in\nthis way fully demonstrating the Chinese Communist Party’s political wisdom,\nits sense of responsibility about its mission, the care it shows for the\npeople, and how its experiences can provide lessons for political parties in\ndeveloping countries.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Stories in the media,\nXu adds, must “clearly speak to why history and the people would choose\nthe Chinese Communist Party, showing the political advantages of adhering to\nthe leadership of the Party.” <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/div>
Screenshot of a section of Xi Jinping\u2019s political report to the 19th<\/sup> National Congress of the CCP discussing the priorities of external propaganda and \u201csoft power.\u201d <\/figcaption><\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

The Dream<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Next, telling China\u2019s\nstory well means telling stories about \u201cthe struggle of the Chinese people to fulfil\ntheir dream.\u201d This, of course, is not at all about personal aspirations, but rather\nabout Xi Jinping\u2019s so-called \u201cChinese dream\u201d of the \u201cgreat rejuvenation of the\nChinese people.\u201d It is wrapped up with nationalistic notions of China\u2019s inevitable\nreturn to the center of the global stage, and its newfound prosperity and\nstrength. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Xu writes: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Telling the Chinese\ndream well is about [conveying] the dream of national prosperity, national\nrejuvenation, and the happiness of the people, showing the essential content of\nthe Chinese dream. To tell the Chinese dream comprehensively and accurately it\nis necessary to make it clear that the essential content of the Chinese dream is\nthe prosperity of the country, the revitalization of the nation, and the\nhappiness of the people.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

But if telling China\u2019s\nstory well is about \u201csoft power\u201d \u2013 Nye\u2019s term that China\u2019s has appropriated, and\nreinterpreted<\/a>, in official documents since\nthe 2007 CCP National Congress<\/a>\n\u2013 how do such nationalistic aspirations speak to foreign audiences? Isn\u2019t this\njust \u201cChina First\u201d? Xu suggests that the story of the \u201cgreat struggle of the\nChinese people\u201d (\u4e2d\u534e\u6c11\u65cf\u7684\u4f1f\u5927\u594b\u6597\u7cbe\u795e) has resonance for other countries,\nbecause it is also, she says, \u201ca dream of peace, development, cooperation and\nwin-win.\u201d The logic here, at the heart of China\u2019s foreign policy thinking\naround such phrases as \u201ccommunity of common destiny for mankind\u201d (\u4eba\u7c7b\u547d\u8fd0\u5171\u540c\u4f53), is that China\u2019s ascendance enmeshes it more\ndeeply with the world in ways that benefit all. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is where the Belt and Road Initiative, Chinese investment and Chinese\naid come into the picture, though these of course have generated a great deal\nof opposition in recent years as \u201can\nunsettling extension of China\u2019s rising power<\/a>,\u201d as clearly evidenced by ongoing\nUS-China tensions and by\nthe changing debate in Europe<\/a>. For China, building a global media presence through\nthe China Media Group and other players is about combatting such reservations\nand smoothing the way for Chinese engagement, as much as possible on China\u2019s\nterms. And in Xu\u2019s discussion of the \u201cChinese dream\u201d we can also detect a\nstrong whiff of what has been called \u201cwolf warrior diplomacy,\u201d or zhanlang\nwaijiao<\/em> (\u6218\u72fc\u5916\u4ea4), the readiness\nto be tough and raise China\u2019s hackles over what are seen as counter-narratives:\n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

We must actively set a positive agenda and a counter-agenda, actively showing\nour swords, eliminating misunderstanding, speaking clearly from a historical\nperspective about how certain Western hegemonic countries are self-interested,\nhypocritical and cold-blooded. [We must] make it clear that no matter how far\nChina develops, it is always a builder of world peace.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In this passage we can note a clear disconnect that runs through Chinese\ndiplomacy, and at least partly explains the\ndifficulties Foreign Minister Wang Yi had<\/a> on his recent trip to Europe. China\u2019s\nattitude toward partners in the West has seesawed from friendly overtures about\n\u201cwin-win\u201d and \u201ccooperation,\u201d to aggressive\ndisplays<\/a> of intractability that underscore fundamental gaps in core values.\nXu\u2019s language, intended for an internal Party audience, is in a sense more\nhonest \u2013 making clear that undermining the credibility of the \u201chypocritical and\ncold-blooded\u201d West is an ongoing strategy. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Culture<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Moving on, Xu\nhighlights the importance of using \u201cChina\u2019s excellent traditional culture\u201d as a\nmeans to convey the “true,” the “good” and the\n“beautiful” of China in the world. Here we get the usual language about\ntraditional culture as \u201cChina\u2019s deepest source of cultural soft power\u201d (\u6700\u6df1\u539a\u7684\u6587\u5316\u8f6f\u5b9e\u529b).  There is little else to say\nhere, except to observe that this is another aspect on which the CCP\u2019s policies\ncould be said to show incredible short-sightedness. The focus on \u201ctraditional culture\u201d smacks of the sort of\nnarrowness that has characterized much of China\u2019s cultural diplomacy for\ndecades, which has focussed on \u201cart troupes\u201d and colorful performances that\nlend, as I wrote five years ago, a \u201ccircus quality<\/a>\u201d to China\u2019s\noutreach activities. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

These criticisms have, on rare occasions, been made by\npeople within China\u2019s cultural diplomacy apparatus, as they were\nin 2015<\/a> by Zhou Hong (\u5468\u8679), the director of the Cultural Division of the Overseas Chinese Affairs Office of the State Council<\/a>. \u201cThe belief that culture equals the arts means that overseas\nperformances are almost without exception arts troupes,\u201d Zhou wrote, \u201cgiving\nforeigners the impression that Chinese culture is all about singing and\ndancing.\u201d Moreover, he said, the \u201chabitual reliance on government planning and\nfinancing\u201d for such programs overseas, which have a \u201cthick government tint,\u201d invites\n\u201csuspicion and resentment.\u201d <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Behind Zhou\u2019s\ncautious criticisms is a key point of weakness in China\u2019s efforts to\nmanufacture \u201csoft power\u201d \u2013 the failure, and the inability given political restrictions\nat home, to harness the strength of civil society. Now, more than ever, more\neven than was true in 2015, China equals the CCP. And the CCP is not itself revered\nas a cultural phenomenon. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Win-Win Cooperation<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the last section\nof her article, Xu address the fourth and final aspect of \u201ctelling China\u2019s\nstory,\u201d which readers will recognize for its overlap the Chinese dream. Here\nagain the talk is about convincing the world that China\u2019s rise is peaceful, and\nthat its fundamental interest is to build a \u201ccommunity of common destiny for mankind\u201d\nin which all countries and peoples can benefit. To do this, Chinese media and\nexchange initiatives must \u201cbreak through\u201d the notion, which Xu associates with\nthe West and the proponents of the \u201cChina Threat Theory\u201d (\u4e2d\u56fd\u5a01\u80c1\u8bba), that \u201ccountries that strengthen must seek hegemony\u201d (\u56fd\u5f3a\u5fc5\u9738). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

While the section\non the Chinese dream was primarily about a domestically focused aspect of \u201ctelling\nChina\u2019s story,\u201d hinting that the rise of the Chinese people is a story that can\nbe shared by all, it is this section that concretely mentions the Belt and Road\nInitiative, which Xu says, with a tone-deafness that now seems prerequisite in\nChinese officialdom, has \u201creceived widespread enthusiastic responses from\ncountries along the route.\u201d <\/p>\n\n\n\n

China\u2019s tasks here\nare two-fold: to break through the \u201canti-Chinese politicians and media in the West,\u201d\nand to showcase China as a successful model that can be admired, and perhaps emulated,\nby the world. Xu writes:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Talking about the\nconcept of a community of common destiny for mankind, we can set agendas around\nthe solution for the global governance crisis, clarifying the practical and\neffective “Chinese solutions” that China today offers for world\ndevelopment, showing the world China’s wisdom as a major power and its [warm]\nfeelings for the world.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Will the \u201cChina story\u201d as outlined above actually translate? Keep your eyes on Brussels. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

China’s state media super-conglomerate China Media Group (CMG) is now planning to open a European headquarters in Brussels. 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