{"id":1457,"date":"2008-06-25T11:13:09","date_gmt":"2008-06-25T03:13:09","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/cmp.hku.hk\/2008\/06\/25\/1079\/"},"modified":"2008-06-25T11:13:09","modified_gmt":"2008-06-25T03:13:09","slug":"propaganda-leaders-scurry-off-to-carry-out-the-spirit-of-hu-jintaos-media-speech","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/chinamediaproject.org\/2008\/06\/25\/propaganda-leaders-scurry-off-to-carry-out-the-spirit-of-hu-jintaos-media-speech\/","title":{"rendered":"Propaganda leaders scurry off to carry out the "spirit" of Hu Jintao's "important" media speech"},"content":{"rendered":"

By David Bandurski<\/em> — Last Friday, Chinese President Hu Jintao made his first speech since taking office in 2002 to deal comprehensively with the news media and its role in a changing China. It was a big deal. But it was also a riddle, wrapped in a mystery, masked with enigmatic party jargon. And that, perhaps, is why no one outside China’s press seemed to take notice. [NOTE: We have included the full Chinese text of Hu’s speech at the end of this post.]
\nThe speech — or, given the proper party gravitas, “important speech” (\u91cd\u8981\u8bb2\u8bdd) — sent propaganda underlings across China scurrying off to study and carry out (\u5b66\u4e60\u8d2f\u5f7b\u597d) its meaning and \u201cspirit\u201d (\u8bb2\u8bdd\u7cbe\u795e). It came, importantly, on the 60th anniversary of the official People\u2019s Daily<\/em>, to which Hu made a special inspection visit.
\nHu said a lot of things that would make anyone but the hardest core terminology junky yawn. He said the media must play an \u201cactive role\u201d in such tasks as \u201cdisseminating the socialist core value system\u201d (\u793e\u4f1a\u4e3b\u4e49\u6838\u5fc3\u4ef7\u503c\u4f53\u7cfb) and \u201ccreating healthy, rich and lively mainstream public opinion\u201d (\u5065\u5eb7\u5411\u4e0a\u3001\u4e30\u5bcc\u751f\u52a8\u7684\u4e3b\u6d41\u8206\u8bba).
\nRight. But what does all of this MEAN?
\nFortunately, Hu has boiled it all down to five essential points for enhancing the [party\u2019s] ability to guide public opinion <\/a>(\u8206\u8bba\u5f15\u5bfc\u80fd\u529b).
\nThe point to recognize first is that all five of Hu\u2019s points are encompassed by \u201cguidance<\/a>,\u201d a clear sign that media control remains the CCP’s unshakeable top priority (not exactly a surprise):<\/p>\n

1. We must adhere to the principle of party spirit in journalism, holding firmly to correct guidance of public opinion (\u6b63\u786e\u8206\u8bba\u5bfc\u5411).
\n2. We must adhere to people-based [journalism] (\u4ee5\u4eba\u4e3a\u672c), increasing the affinity (\u4eb2\u548c\u529b), attractiveness (\u5438\u5f15\u529b) and appeal (\u611f\u67d3\u529b) of news reports.
\n3. We must continue to reform and renew, enhancing the directedness and effectiveness of public opinion guidance (\u8206\u8bba\u5f15\u5bfc\u7684\u9488\u5bf9\u6027\u548c\u5b9e\u6548\u6027).
\n4. We must strengthen the building of mainstream media and the building of new media (\u65b0\u5174\u5a92\u4f53), creating a new pattern of public opinion guidance.
\n5. We must conscientiously take hold of the building of [propaganda\/editorial] teams (\u961f\u4f0d\u5efa\u8bbe), enhancing our cohesiveness and fighting strength (\u51dd\u805a\u529b\u548c\u6218\u6597\u529b). <\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Before we get down to each of these points, we would like to call attention to a possibly significant passage in graph three of the full text of Hu’s speech. That section reads:<\/p>\n

News and public opinion are on the leading edge of the ideological domain, and they have a major influence on the mental life of society and on people’s mindsets. In contemporary society, along with economic and social development and continued scientific and technological progress, the transmission and obtaining of information has become faster and faster, and the role of news and public opinion have become more and more prominent. Doing the work of news and propaganda well concerns the overall work of the party and the nation, it concerns the overall condition of reforms, and the development of the economy and society, it concerns the long-term stability of the country. <\/p><\/blockquote>\n

What does this mean? While the news media has generally fallen under the category of “ideological work” encompassing myriad aspects of society — such as education, ideological training, indoctrination through government administered work units, etc — this passage suggests that the CCP is now training its focus more intensely on the management and control of the news media as a means of creating social cohesion and solidifying the party’s own position in society.
\nIn other words, this is about doing “ideological work” in the information age.
\nBack to Point One of Hu’s Five Points, the policy here sits squarely in the Jiang Zemin tradition, emphasizing \u201ccorrect guidance of public opinion<\/a>,\u201d a Jiang-era term that followed the June 4, 1989, crackdown on demonstrators in Beijing. Other familiar characters follow under Point One, including “emphasis on positive propaganda<\/a>” “singing the main theme,” and “strict adherence to propaganda discipline<\/a>.”
\nThe only point of terminology departure from Jiang Zemin in Point One is the replacement of the old “theory of weal and woe” (\u798f\u7978\u8bba) — basically, the idea the guided public opinion brings prosperity and chaotic public opinion brings calamity — with “three benefits and three wrongs” (\u4e09\u5229, \u4e09\u8bef). Hu says:<\/p>\n

Correct guidance of public opinion benefits the party, benefits the nation, and benefits the people. Incorrect guidance of public opinion wrongs the party, wrongs the nation, and wrongs the people.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Point Two tempers the control policy somewhat with an appeal for media to make their content more relevant to the public. This is not exactly new. Under the vigilant watch of “guidance,” the media has essentially taken this path since the middle of the 1990s, seeking to produce attractive, engaging and commercially viable “media products.”
\nThis development path was given its first official imprimatur by Hu Jintao in January 2003 through the policy of “Three Closenesses” — “closeness to the truth, life and the people.” Not surprisingly, we see the “Three Closenesses” reitereated in Point Two of Hu Jintao’s speech.
\nThe “people-based” notion of Point Two is much more fully Hu Jintao. It recognizes, while relinquishing little or nothing in the way of control, that media are changing and must continue to change. Point Two says that media also have an obligation to reflect the will of the people (\u6c11\u610f), but positive as that may seem, the CCP has typically seen its own will as indivisible from that of the people.
\nWe do, however, have an interesting reiteration in Point Two of a Hu Jintao tweak from his political report to the 17th Party Congress last fall.
\nThose who watched Hu’s report for signals on the question of political reform noticed the appearance of the phrase \u201cprotecting the people\u2019s right to know, participate, express and supervise\u201d (\u4fdd\u969c\u4eba\u6c11\u7684\u77e5\u60c5\u6743\u3001\u53c2\u4e0e\u6743\u3001\u8868\u8fbe\u6743\u3001\u76d1\u7763\u6743). This was, in fact, a revision of Jiang Zemin\u2019s 2002 political report, which said: “In the matter of cadre selection and appointment, Party members and ordinary people should have more right to know, participate, choose and supervise\u201d (\u6269\u5927\u515a\u5458\u548c\u7fa4\u4f17\u5bf9\u5e72\u90e8\u9009\u62d4\u4efb\u7528\u7684\u77e5\u60c5\u6743\u3001\u53c2\u4e0e\u6743\u3001\u9009\u62e9\u6743\u548c\u76d1\u7763\u6743).
\nIn Hu\u2019s rendition the term \u201cright to select\u201d, or xuanze quan<\/em> (\u9009\u62e9\u6743), is replaced with the \u201cright to expression\u201d, or biaoda quan <\/em>(\u8868\u8fbe\u6743). This language about the “right to expression” makes it into Point Two of Hu’s People’s Daily <\/em>speech.
\nThe language in Point Two is softer and a bit more fresh, but still shot through with the language of control. At the end of Point Two, for example, Hu says that as news media must observe “correct guidance” as they “report factual news stories.” He also says they should “speak with the truth, speak with news classics, speak with figures.”
\nThis latter language, while still implying control (“news classics” are exemplary stories designed to embody “correct guidance”), is a slightly softer expression — suggesting the party and news media should convince rather than simply suppress. Obviously, one should not get overly excited about such miniscule semantic consolations.
\nPoint Three is an interesting jumble of ideas, again a Gordian Knot of CONTROL and CHANGE<\/a>. The basic idea seems to be that party leaders need to do a radical rethink on how they conduct the work of press control.
\nHu says that “new propaganda work must adhere to emancipation of mind (\u89e3\u653e\u601d\u60f3), seeking the truth from facts (\u5b9e\u4e8b\u6c42\u662f) and keeping pace with the times (\u4e0e\u65f6\u4ff1\u8fdb), accomodating new changes to the situation in and outside China, keeping in tune with the new expectations of the people and doing our work well with a spirit of reform and renewal.” Hu talks about renewing concepts, content, forms, methods and tactics, and “doing [propaganda] work according to news principles” (\u6309\u7167\u65b0\u95fb\u4f20\u64ad\u89c4\u5f8b\u529e\u4e8b).
\nIn some sense, this sounds like it is as much about change as control. But we have to be careful here, and the meaning of these words will be borne out only in the handling of future news events.
\nOne could argue that Hu is talking about news that is truer and more responsive to the demands of China’s public. But he is certainly also talking about a controlled and selective approach to information that creates the public perception of openness and an atmosphere of trust (much like the president’s recent exchange with Web users<\/a>).
\nThe March unrest in Tibet and the May 12 Sichuan earthquake offered party leaders very different lessons about information control, and we can see the fruits of this in Point Three.
\nChina dealt with Tibet by sealing it off. But this created a vacuum in which international media took control of the agenda setting process, and China’s image suffered as a result. By contrast, coverage of the Sichuan quake was relatively open, particularly during the first week of the disaster. And this allowed China to largely set the agenda and project a favorable international image. Hu says in Point Three:<\/p>\n

In the struggle that followed the recent earthquake disaster, we quickly released information about the disaster and the relief effort . . . earning high praise from cadres and the people, and also earning the esteem of the international community.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

This is what Hu refers to when he says earlier in Point Three that the media needs to “actively set the agenda” (\u4e3b\u52a8\u8bbe\u7f6e\u8bae\u9898). This fits with what Hu Jintao said earlier this spring about the need for the media, particularly state media, to \u201ckeep a firm grasp\u201d on initiative in reporting (\u62a5\u9053\u7684\u4e3b\u52a8\u6743) for disaster stories<\/a>.
\nThe idea is that, rather than simply suppress news, the party strikes first, defining the direction of coverage. As Hu says:<\/p>\n

We must perfect our system of news release, and improve our system for news reports on sudden-breaking public events, releasing authoritative information at the earliest moment, raising timeliness, increasing transparency, and firmly grasping the initiative in news propaganda work.\n<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Point Four of Hu Jintao’s remarks are a somewhat disturbing question mark. He talks about creating a “new pattern” (\u65b0\u683c\u5c40) for opinion guidance. He seems to mean that party leaders should take a much more realistic and nuanced approach to press control, acknowledging the new social and market realities of the media. “With party newspapers, magazines, and television and radio stations in the lead,” he says, “[we must] integrate the metropolitan media (\u90fd\u5e02\u7c7b\u5a92\u4f53), the Internet media and other various propaganda resources.”
\nIt is too early to scream, “The sky is falling!” But this is a worrying picture. Commercial media and the Internet as untapped “resources” of propaganda? Hu’s “new pattern of public opinion guidance” (\u8206\u8bba\u5f15\u5bfc\u65b0\u683c\u5c40) is something we will have to watch as it takes shape.
\nWe can, however, infer hints of this “new pattern” from Point Five.
\nPoint Five is about the building of “propaganda teams” (\u961f\u4f0d\u5efa\u8bbe). In a traditional Chinese media context, this means building up a solid network of directors at newspapers and television stations, and teams of editors and journalists, who work with the party to enforce propaganda discipline and achieve correct guidance of public opinion.
\nGiven the challenges of the information age, however, we might suppose that Hu Jintao hopes to expand his “guidance” teams beyond these traditional boundaries. How, for example, can he better build “teams” by tapping into the “resources” of commercial media and the Internet?
\nGood examples of such team building might be the powerful and growing teams of online commentators (\u7f51\u7edc\u8bc4\u8bba\u5458) that have been dispatched onto the Web at all levels of the national bureaucracy, or the “professional associations” that are increasingly serving as agents of speech control<\/a>.
\nFor the moment, the reading of Hu’s speech depends very much on how optimistic or pessimistic one is prepared to be. But the overall dynamics have not changed. This is still about CONTROL and about CHANGE, about changing media and changing approaches to control. Readers should not focus narrowly on CONTROL, overlooking real changes in Chinese media and society. Nor should they read too much CHANGE into Hu Jintao’s words, lest they be disappointed.
\n—————<\/p>\n

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(Posted by David Bandurski, June 25, 2008, 11:10am HK)<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

By David Bandurski — Last Friday, Chinese President Hu Jintao made his first speech since taking office in 2002 to deal comprehensively with the news media and its role in a changing China. It was a big deal. But it was also a riddle, wrapped in a mystery, masked with enigmatic party jargon. And that, […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":5,"featured_media":1084,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1457","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-headlines-and-hashtags"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nPropaganda leaders scurry off to carry out the "spirit" of Hu Jintao's "important" media speech - China Media Project<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/chinamediaproject.org\/2008\/06\/25\/propaganda-leaders-scurry-off-to-carry-out-the-spirit-of-hu-jintaos-media-speech\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Propaganda leaders scurry off to carry out the "spirit" of Hu Jintao's "important" media speech - China Media Project\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"By David Bandurski — Last Friday, Chinese President Hu Jintao made his first speech since taking office in 2002 to deal comprehensively with the news media and its role in a changing China. 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